Joe Biden has already kept his first promise — his approach to the presidency will be a top-to-bottom repudiation of the behaviour, policies and obsessions of President Donald Trump.
The president-elect builds his administration on the premise that the commander-in-chief must reject stability, that cabinet officials need experience and specialized knowledge, that a broken nation can be governed, and that the world needs the United States. Management Lead.
In restoring a more conventional version of the presidency, Biden is using his mandate to counter the political forces that led to Trump’s rise and which still delivered more than 73 million votes to the President, albeit in a losing cause.
His Washington restoration is not without risk and is already coming into conflict with Trump’s blend of nihilistic conservatism that is likely to dictate the Republican Party’s strategy even when he has left the Oval Office. Biden laid out his bet in its most tangible form yet Tuesday as he unveiled his national security and foreign policy team, who fanned out behind him on stage, masked and ready for action, like a SWAT team of dark-suited technocrats riding to the rescue.
“Let’s begin the work to heal and unite America and the world,” Biden said.
Trump’s dictatorial “America First” and the anti-science White House are defended by many for the contradictions of philosophy, style, and compactness drove by conspiracy theories and personality culture. Secretary of State Anthony Blinken has worked hard for decades in government and on Capitol Hill and has shouldered the burden of diplomacy. The next National Security Adviser, Jake Sullivan Rhodes, is a scholar and a Yale law graduate. He is a local policy specialist. Linda Thomas-Greenfield, Biden’s nominee to the United Nations, has been raising the flag for the United States at embassies for 30 years.
Biden’s domestic, health and economic policy teams, which are expected to be unveiled after Thanksgiving, will combine experience and knowledge after being caught in the eye of a president who has been on the Washington clock for years more than any modern predecessor. In an interview with NBC News on Tuesday, Biden said he was considering appointing a Republican to his cabinet, which voted for Trump.
“The purpose of our administration is to reunite. We cannot continue this fierce political dialogue. It must end,” Biden said.
His strong point is this: Amid an epidemic that has killed the American people, a quarter of a million other civilians, after watching the government’s chaotic, epistemological and intellectual opposition and turning its back on its friends abroad, the people now know what they want and are overwhelmed. Who doesn’t make a noise? Each of his nominees on Tuesday stressed that Thomas-Greenfield, a black man, and Alejandro Mayorkas, a Hispanic named Homeland Security secretary, represent a departure from Trump’s personality, background and qualifications.
These include multilateralism, diplomacy, quiet competence, scientific rigour, inclusion, solidarity among top officials, respect for civil servants, intelligence community and the acceptance of migrants. Cabinet meetings, the political rights of intelligence agencies, and threats of political embarrassments – such as the virus – have been downgraded. Mitch Landau, former mayor of New Orleans, believes Biden’s nominations reflect the person they have chosen. “The incumbents are portraying and illustrating what the president’s behaviour is,” Landry Brock Baldwin said.
“He’s trying to show the American people what it is like to have a balanced, consistent, thoughtful and experienced president.”
The incumbent President is expected to deliver a speech on Wednesday in his hometown of Wilmington, Delaware, thanking the American people.
The sharp turn taken by the United States on the opening day of January 20, a completely different America, reflects the sensitive choice made before the electorate on November 3 – which is most evident only in the attempt by Trump to steal the election later. It also emphasizes the resilience of an American political system capable of resisting the excesses of its leaders and often produces presidents who oppose their predecessors.
Trump won an election four years ago after campaigning to destroy Washington’s political and economic establishment. His presidency tore apart the consensus of the federal authorities and the elite on economic, domestic, immigration and foreign policy.
His one-time political mentor Steve Bannon once described the chaotic Crusades as “the disintegration of the administrative state” by regulations, tax laws, diplomatic traditions and the embellishment of the presidency. In many ways, Biden is rebuilding that administrative state by relying on the experienced Washington-experienced Blinken and Avril Haynes, director of national intelligence. Only the president-elect can be a more established, professional, and traditional figure than former Secretary of State and long-time senator John Kerry. He will serve as the Presidential Climate Representative, just like Bannon and his fellow global citizens. Tourists decide.
Biden does not believe more government is good. In a statement issued Monday after the Trump administration finally agreed to begin a transition, his team pledged to gain a full understanding of Trump’s “efforts for empty state institutions.” Several Biden national security nominees on Monday paid tribute to the invisible government activists who run the country during Trump’s tenure but were considered enemies. “My fellow professional diplomats and civil servants around the world. I want to tell you, America is back, multilateralism is back, diplomacy is back,” Thomas-Greenfield said.
Haynes spoke publicly with members of the secret community, often on Trump’s target list. “The work you do is essential,” Haynes said. Several nominations were made for the American Ideal, Congress, the American People, and Democracy. They all praised Biden, with little to the exaggerated praise and personal allegiance that Trump demands of his subordinates. In another suggestive critique of the Trump administration, Haynes told his new boss that he was telling him the bad news that he had not heard.
Officially a different sense of professionalism and competence gave by the team is other than the late guys that Trump trusts. In many cases, he did not qualify for the significant role of the state, but he prospered by prioritizing loyalty to the President. Not all of Trump’s initial cabinet choices were in the same mould. People like Secretary of Défense James Mattis and Director of National Intelligence Dan Coates were experienced and experts in their fields. But their attempts to play the role Biden expected from his appointees were frustrated by Trump’s constant repression of what he saw as his government’s outstanding service to his interests. These officials, known in the press as “adults”, often spent their time in the worst impulses of an illegitimate president. Biden’s approach is designed for the situations in which he comes to power. With the release of Covid-19, he will face a country that needs an organized strategy to develop a vaccine that can restore everyday life.
The absence of Trump and the re-signing of the Paris Climate Agreement will give him instant victories on the world stage. But in the long run, the test of his presidency is his vision of calm, deliberate leadership, to see if politics can appease a nation that resembles an undisciplined jungle. There he tried to hand him over without waiting for his opponents to win the election. President Barack Obama once sought to connect his opponents with facts and logics within the traditions of the U.S. regime. It was not so far away from him as with the Republican opponents who directed their political existence to obstruct anything he proposed. If something goes wrong, Biden will face claims that the return of the administration will lead to disaster, and it will be a blow to candidates who hope will not do so if Trump runs again in 2024. Abroad, Biden must prove that he can limit the world of allied U.S., a formal policy process and an emerging U.S. rival world that has shaken up the ageing global system because of the ugly dynamics of dialogue.
The experience of successive administrations and the expertise of foreign policy experts have never solved such bitter problems as North Korea’s nuclear exploration. One of the reasons Trump won four years ago was that many Americans believed that the globalized instincts of the Washington elite had caused their jobs to go overseas and that their children had been sent to fight wars. One potential GOP candidate, Florida Senator Marco Rubio, did not waste time making a populist mark with this in mind Tuesday. “Biden’s cabinet selection went to Ivy League schools, has a strong start, attended the right conferences. America’s decline will be polite and formal stewards,” Rubio tweeted. “I support American supremacy. I have no desire to return to the ‘normal’ state that left us dependent on China.” His tweet, which ignores the fact that many of Trump’s officials went to Ivy League schools, sparked a clash between Biden’s traditional White House leadership, the duel between local and foreigners, and the populism used by Trump.